UNOFFICIAL although it's, the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist get together's (BNP) resolution to participate in the Dhaka and Chittagong metropolis companies elections is a trifle shocking. This is exceptionally so for it came within weeks after the disappearance of its chief Salahuddin Ahmed, who the party claims was abducted by plainclothes policemen.
The BNP now faces an array of hurdles, tricky and detrimental, before its future politics. Hundreds and hundreds of its participants and employees are behind bars and a few thousand more are hiding. BNP leaders in Dhaka and some other important cities corresponding to Chittagong and Sylhet have now not been victorious in accomplishing the get together's agitation programmes or implementing a slew of common strikes that the BNP has known as. The strike has turned into a farce in Dhaka, so is the blockade in some elements of the country.
To make issues even more elaborate, a few of its leaders, in personal conversations, renowned that they might now not be in a position to force the Awami League (AL) to preserve a speak over the following general election. In fact, a variety of ancient guards in the social gathering believe that it's excessive time that the BNP withdraws its agitation programme, depart Jamaat and watch for the AL government to call snap polls, which they aren't even certain the AL will do.
In a rare display of the occasion's softened stance, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia, in her today's presser, hinted at giving the largest leeway to this point, that her party could participate in the subsequent election although the AL stays in vigor. The social gathering does now not have many choices at hand either. Its grassroots are worn out and are more and more finding it elaborate, if no longer impossible, to hold the continued action forward with out shedding public help. Then there are the BNP leaders themselves--close to all of the BNP Standing Committee participants are in their early and late sixties, too frail to take part in road agitations and too old to learn the heart beat of a nation that is brimming with younger voters.
Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), the BNP's most important partner within the alliance, has confined itself to bringing out movements processions and that too on the very crack of dawn and with a handful of its employees. The JI heartland in Rajshahi and Chapainawabganj have been surprisingly calm final month, so have been Lakshmipur and Cox's Bazaar. On prime of it all, the capital is rife with a rumour that the JI would strike a handle the federal government, an agreement on the way to store the get together from viable banning. Now the difficulty is such that probably the BNP wishes the JI as a lot as the Islamist celebration wants the BNP.
There is not any denying that the BNP now faces one of the crucial worst moments in its 36-yr-ancient existence. Having stated that, there are causes why the BNP, which has no longer but withdrawn its national blockade, has finally determined to place candidates within the city polls. Strange as it's going to sound, the elections have actually given the BNP an opportunity to regroup and take its politics to the lots, a danger they've now not been given within the cities, above all in Dhaka in the final couple of months.
It is usually time for the BNP to grab the possibility and show the arena that the celebration nonetheless enjoys fashionable support in the important cities, some of which have been the worst victims of the ongoing blockade. In the course of the electioneering, the BNP will are trying its great to mobilise its staff in Dhaka and Chittagong, and a colossal rally in the capital may be on the playing cards.
It isn't clear though what the BNP's future direction of action will probably be if the social gathering will get a blended response from the voters, or if all its mayoral candidates win. Movement-wise, a good way to be the worst case situation for the social gathering as it'll be complex to go back in full swing to the blockade/hartal days after a resounding victory in the city elections.
There's little doubt that the BNP is still a bold drive in Bangladesh's politics. The city organization elections in Rajshahi, Khulna, Barisal, Sylhet and Gazipur, which took place within the run as much as the January 5, 2014 countrywide election, are a sworn statement to that. In the absence of any authentic liberal centre-proper political get together, the BNP, as an umbrella employer for anti-Awami League voters, has under no circumstances received not up to 30 percentage in any country wide election, which makes it an predominant element within the progress of a democratic, inclusive and prosperous Bangladesh.
BNP now quietly stands at a primary juncture in its historical past, a time that's going to make a decision the party's future, specifically the fate of its action that has to this point claimed the lives of so many folks. Best time can inform if the BNP leadership has what it takes to guide the party via this type of tricky time.
Author: Ahmede Hussain, He is the Editor of 'the brand new Anthem' (Tranquebar; Delhi; 2009). He may also be contacted at: ahmedehussain@gmail.Com, twitter: @ahmedehussain
The BNP now faces an array of hurdles, tricky and detrimental, before its future politics. Hundreds and hundreds of its participants and employees are behind bars and a few thousand more are hiding. BNP leaders in Dhaka and some other important cities corresponding to Chittagong and Sylhet have now not been victorious in accomplishing the get together's agitation programmes or implementing a slew of common strikes that the BNP has known as. The strike has turned into a farce in Dhaka, so is the blockade in some elements of the country.
To make issues even more elaborate, a few of its leaders, in personal conversations, renowned that they might now not be in a position to force the Awami League (AL) to preserve a speak over the following general election. In fact, a variety of ancient guards in the social gathering believe that it's excessive time that the BNP withdraws its agitation programme, depart Jamaat and watch for the AL government to call snap polls, which they aren't even certain the AL will do.
In a rare display of the occasion's softened stance, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia, in her today's presser, hinted at giving the largest leeway to this point, that her party could participate in the subsequent election although the AL stays in vigor. The social gathering does now not have many choices at hand either. Its grassroots are worn out and are more and more finding it elaborate, if no longer impossible, to hold the continued action forward with out shedding public help. Then there are the BNP leaders themselves--close to all of the BNP Standing Committee participants are in their early and late sixties, too frail to take part in road agitations and too old to learn the heart beat of a nation that is brimming with younger voters.
Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), the BNP's most important partner within the alliance, has confined itself to bringing out movements processions and that too on the very crack of dawn and with a handful of its employees. The JI heartland in Rajshahi and Chapainawabganj have been surprisingly calm final month, so have been Lakshmipur and Cox's Bazaar. On prime of it all, the capital is rife with a rumour that the JI would strike a handle the federal government, an agreement on the way to store the get together from viable banning. Now the difficulty is such that probably the BNP wishes the JI as a lot as the Islamist celebration wants the BNP.
There is not any denying that the BNP now faces one of the crucial worst moments in its 36-yr-ancient existence. Having stated that, there are causes why the BNP, which has no longer but withdrawn its national blockade, has finally determined to place candidates within the city polls. Strange as it's going to sound, the elections have actually given the BNP an opportunity to regroup and take its politics to the lots, a danger they've now not been given within the cities, above all in Dhaka in the final couple of months.
It is usually time for the BNP to grab the possibility and show the arena that the celebration nonetheless enjoys fashionable support in the important cities, some of which have been the worst victims of the ongoing blockade. In the course of the electioneering, the BNP will are trying its great to mobilise its staff in Dhaka and Chittagong, and a colossal rally in the capital may be on the playing cards.
It isn't clear though what the BNP's future direction of action will probably be if the social gathering will get a blended response from the voters, or if all its mayoral candidates win. Movement-wise, a good way to be the worst case situation for the social gathering as it'll be complex to go back in full swing to the blockade/hartal days after a resounding victory in the city elections.
There's little doubt that the BNP is still a bold drive in Bangladesh's politics. The city organization elections in Rajshahi, Khulna, Barisal, Sylhet and Gazipur, which took place within the run as much as the January 5, 2014 countrywide election, are a sworn statement to that. In the absence of any authentic liberal centre-proper political get together, the BNP, as an umbrella employer for anti-Awami League voters, has under no circumstances received not up to 30 percentage in any country wide election, which makes it an predominant element within the progress of a democratic, inclusive and prosperous Bangladesh.
BNP now quietly stands at a primary juncture in its historical past, a time that's going to make a decision the party's future, specifically the fate of its action that has to this point claimed the lives of so many folks. Best time can inform if the BNP leadership has what it takes to guide the party via this type of tricky time.
Author: Ahmede Hussain, He is the Editor of 'the brand new Anthem' (Tranquebar; Delhi; 2009). He may also be contacted at: ahmedehussain@gmail.Com, twitter: @ahmedehussain
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